While the recent uptick in violence in Israel has been attributed to disagreements regarding the Jerusalem holy site known as Temple Mount by Israelis, or Noble Sanctuary by Palestinians, the issues are actually much more complex and longstanding.
For the Palestinians, there is a deep sense of frustration with the lack of any meaningful progress in peace talks and a feeling that they are being suffocated economically by Israel’s control over the importation of goods into their territory. At the same time, the expanding Jewish settlements have also added fuel to the fire. Palestinians feel that they have been the subjects of aggression by extremist Israeli settlers and believe the Israeli government treats that crime much less harshly than they treat Palestinian crime.
With attention focused on Syria, Iraq, ISIS or Daesh, and the Syrian refugee crisis, many Palestinians feel as though the world and the other Arab nations have forgotten their longstanding refugee crisis. The frustration is manifesting itself today and the Temple Mount/Noble Sanctuary represents the focal point. Many Arabs and regional leaders feel as though resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would go a long way in solving key problems in the Middle East.
In terms of the Israeli view, moderate Israelis, who are the majority, believe a Palestinian State should exist and that Palestinians have the right to dictate their own lives. The moderates balance that belief with concerns for their own security, and many blame both Palestinian extremists and radical Jewish settlers for the problems. They believe both sides must coexist if there is any hope for a better existence.
Israeli Arabs, who are a growing minority, support the moderate Israeli beliefs but increasingly feel at risk from the more extremist religious groups as well as the current Israeli government’s policies and statements.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is seen by moderates as part of the problem. He is considered a supporter of settlement expansion and less than an honest broker in the peace process.
In many ways, the frustrations and concerns of the Israeli majority reflect the same conflict weariness and hopes of the moderate Palestinian majority.
Some have been quick to label the recent violence by Palestinians as the “Third Intifada.” However, what is happening appears to be less organized and more haphazard than past intifadas. An intifada, which is a popular uprising, would require a different tone on the streets and a structure. It seems to fall short of an intifada at this point.
While Hamas has been vocal in terms of identifying what it sees as excessive security measures taken by the Israelis, they have refrained from pushing for more extreme violence. The fact that Hamas has not fired rockets into Israel indicates an understanding between the Palestinian leadership in the West Bank and in Gaza that such aggression would create a lose-lose type of situation. Tens of thousands of homes and people were misplaced in Hamas’ last confrontation with Israel, and it will take years to recover from that.
Dialogue between the Palestinian governments in the West Bank and Gaza is ongoing, but it’s not the most cooperative and open. Yet, there is a realization that Hamas in Gaza needs the support of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank for relief and other things, and the Palestinian Authority needs Hamas to react harshly to Israel for its own security needs and its own economic welfare. Both need each other more so than they have in the past, and there is a realization of this fact.
Israel’s day-to-day security, which is already very physical, technical, and pervasive, has been enhanced. Israel maintains a significant security process in the quietest times, let alone in the worst of times. The Israeli military has mobilized reserves and deployed additional military police into city squares and bus stations. More people in Israel are bearing arms, and a lot more attention is paid to who is on the streets. Occasionally, people even jump to conclusions, which happens in times of threat. For instance, an Ethiopian Jew was killed because he was mistaken for an Arab attacker.
The tight security situation in Israel affects Palestinian travel for work and Palestinian mobility both in Jerusalem and outside. It also affects Israelis who are very nervous and who have to take more precautions. After reading Haaretz, The Jerusalem Post or any of the Israeli based newspapers, it is evident the security situation is intense.
No discussion of the Arab-Israeli conflict is complete without touching on the U.S.-Israel relationship, which has a couple of levels.
First, although President Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu don’t have the best of relationships, Israel retains support in Congress. What the U.S. President hasn’t done is less important than how Congress feels, because Congress authorizes aid towards Israel, the world’s largest recipient of foreign aid from the U.S. And Israel gets the best of American military hardware. Congress votes on it and approves it. So Israelis see members of Congress as their key partner, who they have to influence, entertain, and keep informed. They do that well.
Second is the American people. The average American identifies with the average Israeli, because they both worked for independence. The fact that a few people stood up to a whole world is not unlike U.S. history when the colonists rebelled against the British Empire. That makes Israel more identifiable to Americans.
While the role of the President is important, it is not critical to Israel. Israelis consider their relationship with Congress as imperative. Wherever the President of the United States goes, it is not necessary that they go, but where goes Congress, that’s where Israelis go.
Robert Richer retired in November 2005 from the Central Intelligence Agency as the Associate Deputy Director for Operations (ADDO). Prior to his assignment as the ADDO in 2004, Richer was the Chief of the Near East and South Asia Division, responsible for Clandestine Service Operations throughout the Middle East and South Asia. Mr. Richer currently consults on Middle East and national security issues and is a senior partner with International Advisory Partners.
