OPINION — A generation after 9/11, the homeland has returned to the center of American national security strategy. The 2025 National Security Strategy, the National Defense Strategy (NDS), and last week's Counterterrorism Strategy each push in that direction. Parity is the right destination, but it is also a long road. Closing the distance requires a Department of Homeland Security that can chart its own course over the years it will take. The institutional strategy capable of guiding that transition still does not exist.
The security environment that produced these documents is one where the line between foreign and homeland threats has thinned. Cartels are now treated as national security threats. Fentanyl trafficking is no longer viewed solely as a criminal issue, with its precursors now being classified as weapons of mass destruction. Domestic violent extremism remains a core homeland concern.
America's ongoing conflict with Iran has reinforced the same dynamic. Iranian state-affiliated actors targeted U.S. medical technology firm Stryker in March, and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) has issued joint advisories on Iranian cyber actors probing U.S. critical infrastructure. Threats once treated primarily as overseas contingencies increasingly carry direct homeland implications across cyber operations, critical infrastructure security, public gatherings, and lone-actor violence.
The department’s strategic architecture has not kept pace. As Customs and Border Protection (CBP) manages the border, the Coast Guard secures the maritime domain, and FEMA prepares for disasters, DHS still lacks a strategic lodestar capable of aligning its disparate components around a coherent departmental vision.
The first Trump administration did not produce a Quadrennial Homeland Security Review (QHSR). The Biden administration produced the 2023 review six months behind the strategic cycle, and the US Government Accountability Office (GAO) found it deficient against ten of twenty-one statutory requirements. This pattern is institutional, not partisan.
Counter-UAS operations increasingly illustrate how rapidly the homeland security mission is evolving. The mission cuts across CBP at the border, CISA at critical infrastructure, the Secret Service at major events, and the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) in aviation. The FY2026 NDAA extended DHS counter-UAS authorities through 2031, ending years of short-term reauthorization fights, and designated the World Cup and 2028 Olympics as a pilot program for state and local counter-UAS deployment.
With the legal architecture now in place, DHS must build the strategic architecture necessary to operationalize those authorities across components, federal partners, and state and local agencies. Counter-UAS operations are only one of many emerging missions where authorities have outpaced strategy.
The 76-day DHS shutdown earlier this year was the longest in American history. It demonstrated how easily DHS appropriations can fracture around the department’s most politically contentious missions rather than broader enterprise-wide priorities. TSA officers and Coast Guardsmen missed paychecks while FEMA preparedness and recovery operations slowed under mounting resource constraints. The operational consequences continued long after funding resumed, with department officials warning it could take months for components to fully recover.
The final agreement funded most of DHS through September while excluding immigration enforcement. The episode showed how vulnerable DHS remains when its missions are not bound by a coherent strategic framework.
That matters more now than when Congress first mandated the QHSR two decades ago. The department was built for an era defined by post-9/11 domestic protection. American strategic planning was focused outward, with counterinsurgency campaigns in the Middle East and power projection in the Pacific. Homeland security was treated as a defensive enterprise running parallel to it.
That world is gone. The mission set has converged with the American national security strategy itself, and the institutional architecture meant to carry that strategy has not changed with it.
This administration has more reason than any of its predecessors to take the QHSR seriously. No previous White House has positioned DHS this close to the center of its national security identity. The mission set the administration has prioritized runs through DHS components first. A functional QHSR is what would translate that political emphasis into a department capable of executing it. Without a strategic reference point, components will continue defaulting toward inherited institutional habits rather than department-wide strategic priorities.
The fix is institutional. The NDS carries weight because it sits at the top of an institutional chain. Serving as the Pentagon's unifying strategic reference, it forces priority trade-offs the department cannot defer. It connects directly to resourcing decisions that translate strategy into what the military buys, builds, and deploys. Congress also chartered an independent commission to review each NDS and test its logic and resource assumptions in public. Congress should give the QHSR the same architecture: a strategy that pulls components into coherence, priorities that drive resource decisions, and an independent commission that scrutinizes its logic.
As the youngest department in the national security apparatus, DHS's strategic infrastructure remains underdeveloped relative to the mission it now carries. A Goldwater-Nichols-style restructuring will eventually come when the politics allow it. Until then, anchor the department around a credible QHSR. A strategy with the architecture Congress has already built around the NDS would not require reorganizing components or rewriting authorities. It would require Congress to treat DHS strategic planning with the same rigor it applies to defense strategic planning.
While America's strategic turn inward is underway, parity will not arrive on its own. The strategy documents prescribe missions for a DHS that does not yet exist. Without a working QHSR, the gap between presidential ambition and institutional coherence will continue to widen.
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