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These are five short essays written by Undergraduate Fellows from the Clements Center for National Security at the University of Texas. Their essays [...]
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These are five short essays written by Undergraduate Fellows from the Clements Center for National Security at the University of Texas. Their essays [...]
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country share the work of the next generation of national security leaders.
Joshua Stone is a U.S.-China relations specialist and Ph.D. Political Science student with the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University. His research concentration centers on U.S.-China security relations, U.S. foreign policy toward China, and methods of coercion in international affairs. Stone is a combat veteran of the United States Army.
ACADEMIC INCUBATOR - China’s great power status has ebbed and flowed over the centuries. Its last hegemon, the Qing Dynasty, lost its Mandate of Heaven and collapsed in 1911 as resentment mounted over the imperial court’s failures to meet domestic and foreign challenges, creating a political, ideological, and security vacuum in China.
In the 20th century, China attempted to fill these vacuums that had once led the country into turmoil. Now, China is looking outward to ensure its survival and restore its preeminence. International scholars need not speculate whether China’s rise to great power status will be peaceful: its past and present are prologue. Nor should nations misperceive the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) position. Indications of violence by the CCP at home and the regime’s tendency to lash out abroad signal a desire to subvert East Asia’s institutions and stability. The CCP is interested in primacy, not peace. The United States must lead an international coalition to push China back from coercion to compliance. American passivity will prove fatal to the liberal order.
Today, many actors across East Asia benefit from a hub-and-spoke system with the United States at its center, informing the conduct of the region’s affairs in favor of cooperation and absolute gains. China aims to replace Washington as the hegemon of this system; to reform this status quo in favor of a hierarchy with China at the top feeding its interests to the detriment of others. China’s cyber espionage activities, Beijing’s actions against the Uyghur minority in Xinjiang, the CCP’s walled-ff response to COVID-19, and its territorial aggrandizement on land and sea demonstrate its intentions.
No Beijing-led misinformation campaign can distract from the evidence that China is on the offensive abroad. It has violated the territorial sovereignty of India, Taiwan, and other neighbors. Intellectual property theft and China’s foreign investment practices with regional actors demonstrate its pursuit of relative gains. Economic stratagies that pull developing nations across Asia into China’s sphere of influence with promises of mutual prosperity come with coercive debt-traps to enhance its position over others. China’s recent expansionary preferences do not reflect the adoption of a good neighbor policy. They signal an approach to foreign affairs consistent with offensive realism. China is maximizing military capabilities for primacy in the international system, while at the same time using economic rewards in the form of development initiatives to pacify its neighbor’s concerns about mounting security threats.
If the present picture of China’s moves in the region are still insufficient indicators of its aggressive intentions, perhaps East Asia’s recent history provides evidence of a turbulent future. The U.S. strategy to contain perceived communist dominoes from falling across East Asia after the Second World War culminated with conflict in Korea, Vietnam, and elsewhere. Though the United States is responsible for the many just and unjust actions it took to establish a new order in East Asia, the U.S. supplanted a hierarchical system with a more favorable liberal order that now breeds cooperation across the region—primarily for the purpose of predictability to prevent conflict. Should China continue attempting to upend this status quo, regional actors, including China, will suffer from loss of trade, investment, and security.
The United States cannot sit idly by under these circumstances, nor forgo its role in providing stability in East Asia. China, like its neighbors, continues to benefit tremendously from transfers of industrial knowledge from one leading economy to laggards downstream seeking development and take-off. Moreover, China’s neighbors are no longer kowtowing members to dynastic rule or some disparate community of nations throwing off shackles of colonialism following the Second World War. Hierarchy across East Asia evokes memories of days not romanticized over. Like China before them, India, Singapore, South Korea, Vietnam, and others will preserve at any cost the gains of a long-fought struggle to reclaim their territorial and administrative autonomy.
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country to share the thinking of the next generation of national security leaders.
Joy Putney is a doctoral candidate in the Quantitative Biosciences Program in the School of Biological Science at Georgia Institute of Technology and a 2020-2021 Sam Nunn Security Fellow.
Bottom Line Up Front: China is better poised to capitalize on disruptive neurotechnologies like brain-computer interfaces (BCI) for both civilian and military usage, so the U.S. must be prepared for the deployment of these capabilities in future operating environments.
In the past decade, seven international actors have launched “Brain Projects” or “Brain Initiatives,” including the United States and China. The U.S. BRAIN Initiative started in 2013 under the Obama administration, and includes plans for $6 billion USD of funding through the year 2025. The China Brain Project was announced three years later in 2016, along with the country’s Thirteenth Five-Year Plan with estimated funding of $1 billion USD through the year 2030.
These brain initiatives which involve stakeholders from government, academia, military, and industry and direct hundreds of millions of dollars to specific research goals, can be viewed as cohesive articulations of a national strategy for neuroscience research. The outcomes of these initiatives will not only further our understanding of the brain but will also enable new neurotechnologies that will have far-reaching implications for society, public health, and national security.
The United States and China are among the largest spenders in their brain projects and are peer economic and military competitors. The U.S.’ National Defense Strategy in 2018 highlighted long-term, strategic competition with China as a top focus. This competition will naturally include vying for technological advantage, especially with emerging technologies like those enabled by the brain projects, to avoid technological surprise. Here, the specific focus on brain-computer interfaces within the broader category of neurotechnologies is due to their potential for high adoption by healthy people for both civilian and military purposes. Additionally, these devices have profound ethical concerns involving data privacy and individual autonomy. Likely for these reasons, the US Congressional Research Service identified brain-computer interfaces as an emerging dual-use technology that should be considered for export controls.
China has a clearer articulation of their intent to use brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) for both civilian and military purposes. The goals of the brain initiatives in each of these nations are an articulation of national strategy for neuroscience research and technology development, and the U.S. BRAIN Initiative and China Brain Project contrast strongly in their aims. The China Brain Project’s stated goals place a higher emphasis on brain-machine technologies like BCI than the U.S. BRAIN Initiative. The U.S. BRAIN Initiative’s seven major goals only relate to understanding the brain and improving treatment of brain disorders and focus on developing technologies that enable basic research and clinical applications. The China Brain Project’s structure is envisioned as “one body two wings”, with a core body of understanding the brain, with an equal emphasis on the applications—the two wings—of treating brain disorders and developing brain-machine intelligence technologies. In contrast to the U.S. BRAIN Initiative, the China Brain Project puts an equal emphasis on clinical and non-clinical applications of brain research, and specifically emphasizes integrating brain and machine intelligence.
The China Brain Project’s goals also more strongly align with the military rhetoric of the PLA than the U.S. BRAIN Initiative’s goals do with the U.S. military’s active neurotechnology research initiatives. The U.S. DoD has extensively funded neuroscience research, but with divergent aims from the U.S. BRAIN Initiative. DARPA has several ongoing programs developing neurotechnologies, like the Next-Generation Nonsurgical Neurotechnology (N3) program, which seeks to develop non-invasive BCIs with the ability to both read and write brain activity for use by healthy military service members, and the Neural Engineering Systems Design (NESD) program, which seeks to develop BCIs to restore vision and hearing to injured service members. Other neurotechnology development programs have been funded by the U.S. Air Force, the U.S. Army, and the U.S. Navy. A comprehensive study from the U.S. Army’s Combat Capabilities Development Command (DEVCOM) highlighted four neurotechnology applications for future operating environments, including visual and auditory augmentation, wearable exoskeletons with programmed muscular control, direct control of weapon systems through BCIs, and brain-to-brain communication between service members. While both the U.S. DoD and the U.S. BRAIN Initiative have funded clinical applications of BCI, the DoD’s emphasis on civilian and military use cases for BCI is not reflected in the US BRAIN Initiative’s goals.
In contrast, the PLA’s rhetoric and the China Brain Project’s goals are more cohesive, driven likely in part by the nation’s overarching strategy of military-civil fusion. The Director of the Central Military Commission Science and Technology Commission (CMC S&TC) in China stated in 2017 that “ The combination of artificial intelligence and human intelligence can achieve the optimum, and human-machine hybrid intelligence will be the highest form of future intelligence. In strikingly similar language, Dr. Mu-Ming Poo, one of the lead scientists of the China Brain Project, has written on how he believes a better understanding of the brain will revolutionize artificial intelligence (AI) technologies and how he expects China to accelerate “development of next generation AI with human-like intelligence and brain-machine interface technology.” Greater alignment between the national strategy for neuroscience research as articulated by the brain initiatives and defense emphasis on neurotechnology development will likely enable quicker BCI adoption for military usage in China.
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country to share the [...]
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country to share the [...]
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country to share the [...]
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country share the [...]
More
The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country share the [...]
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The Cipher Brief’s Academic Incubator partners with national security-focused programs from colleges and Universities across the country share the [...]
More