Expert Commentary

A Long Road Ahead

August 26, 2016 | Stephen McInerney

Five years after the Tunisian Revolution in January 2011, the country has become the only liberal democracy in the Arab World. This successful transition from autocratic rule is especially impressive when compared to the relapse into authoritarianism or descent into civil conflict experienced by other “Arab Spring” countries. However, many members of Tunisian society do not feel that their lives have significantly changed for the better, especially in economic terms. The Cipher Brief sat down with Executive Director of the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), Stephen McInerney, to discuss the path forward for Tunisia.

The Cipher Brief: Can you just start off by talking a little bit about the progress Tunisia has made since the Revolution in 2011? Where are we now, almost six years out?

Stephen McInerney: On the one hand, Tunisia has made important and historic progress in its transition, and clearly it is the last country standing following the Arab uprisings in 2011. I think it’s accurate to say that Tunisia has made more progress in the last five years towards a democratic transition than any other Arab country has ever made.

Tunisia has had successive competitive multi-party elections, and it has drafted probably the most democratic constitution that the Arab World has ever seen, both in terms of content and also the process by which it was drafted. The country freely elected an assembly to draft the constitution, engaged in a difficult but sincere process of consensus building, and held a series of open debates in which the public played a vital role. Tunisia then followed the constitution with free and fair elections for both the presidency and a parliament. All of these milestones are extremely important and stand alone as difficult achievements in a difficult region.

Another very important area of progress is the creation of a free and open political environment in Tunisia. Beyond elections, people are now able to form political parties, form NGOs, and speak freely about their government. This environment enhances the political milestones that have been achieved.

Having said all of that, there are many areas in which progress has not materialized. Specifically, there has been no real progress on economic reforms to deliver development and prosperity for Tunisian citizens. For that reason, many Tunisians feel like this revolution has not delivered on their demands. When people went to the streets in December 2010 and January 2011, demands for prosperity and economic reform were equal to demands for political reform. Today, they do not feel that the economic rules of the game have shifted in their favor.

TCB: What are your thoughts on the upcoming government of Prime Minister Youssef Chahed and the effect his government will have on the political future of the country?

SM: It’s still too early to know. A very common view among many Tunisians is that this new government will not be fundamentally different from previous governments. Youssef Chahed has a pretty good reputation from his time as Minister of Local Affairs, but he was a surprising choice for Prime Minister. He’s relatively young (40 years old), and he’s not seen as being a political heavyweight. Some Tunisians feel as though President Beji Caid Essebsi prefers to have a Prime Minister who is weaker and can’t effectively challenge his leadership. That was part of the conflict between President Essebsi and outgoing Prime Minister Habib Essid.

Chahed is not necessarily strong enough to show the kind of leadership that is needed to address a lot of these pressing reforms, and there is a lot of skepticism as to his ability to take on entrenched interests.

TCB: On the question of economic reforms and what is needed, much of the problem seems to be not just a lack of reform in general, but the economic perpetuation of a sort of East-West divide between the large, rich coastal cities of the East, and the interior and western border regions. This process began under pre-Revolutionary governments, but what have post-Revolutionary governments done, or not done, to address this?

SM: The short answer is, not much. None of the governments have really prioritized this divide between the coastal elites and the interior of the country or really confronted the economic status quo that is essentially left over from the Ben Ali era. The political parties are pretty weak and fragmented. Al Nahda [the largest Tunisian Islamist party] is by far the most cohesive and internally well-organized political party in the country, but they also lost some popularity after their time leading the first elected government after the Revolution.

Nidaa Tounes, which is the party of President Essebsi and won the largest number of seats in the last parliamentary election, has split and fragmented since then. Now it is really more of a loose coalition than a functioning political party. In addition, many of the entrenched business elites and mafia-like networks that benefit from the current status quo and existing corruption have, to some degree, coopted the new parties to protect their own interests.

Those who benefited from the status quo include, the existing bureaucracy; the Ministry of Interior and the security apparatus, as well as the larger bureaucracy in ministries left over from the Ben Ali era, which encompasses traditional business elites; the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT); and some foreign governments – historic trading partners such as France, Italy, and Belgium. All these actors might have somewhat different interests, but they all fear the effect of a serious departure from the status quo.

There’s not really a strong coalition in favor of deep structural reform or redistribution, even though these are the changes that would be necessary to meet the demands of the Tunisian citizens. Many of the political leaders feel that if they push for real economic reform in a way that changes the status quo, then they will lose politically. Honestly, I think they’re more afraid of that than they are of not delivering change for Tunisian citizens.

TCB: Is there any possible scenario for a path forward through these kind of intractable problems in your mind?

SM: I don’t know. It’s very difficult to imagine a real way forward in the short term. It would require real political leadership – someone with real political capital and real political will – and that seems to be missing.

I asked this question to quite a number of Tunisians during my visit to the country last week. What would be required to change this dynamic, to unstick things and move forward with these reforms? It was very difficult to find optimistic answers or concrete solutions in the short term.

People are hopeful, but most hopeful answers involved muddling through and making incremental progress over the next few years in the hope that better political leadership will come along. Tunisians do legitimately fear that if these reforms aren’t addressed then it could threaten the progress that’s been made. There could be the threat of strikes, renewed protests, or some other form of upheaval. We’ve seen a number of strikes and protests already, which people believe may continue this fall.

TCB: In an ideal world, what would be the top reforms – economic or otherwise – that you believe need to be made in order to put Tunisia on the path to long term success?

SM: One of the most important problems in Tunisia is the problem of corruption. There are many open cases of corruption, and a variety of corrupt actors continue to operate. Having a government that’s willing to demonstrate their commitment to a less corrupt system would be enormously important and is almost a precondition for making progress on basic economic reforms.

I think the biggest obstacle is the influence of corrupt actors who benefit directly from the status quo and are opposed to these kinds of reforms. For instance, labor law reform is very important but extremely difficult due to strong opposition from the UGTT. Investment codes, the public-private partnerships law, reforms to the labor law, these would all be valuable, important reforms, but it’s hard to see them being passed and implemented without a government that’s willing to take on corruption.

The issue of transitional justice –  a level of judicial accountability for crimes that were committed before the Revolution – is also important here. There’s a commission set up to address these issues but, frankly, it hasn’t really been empowered, and it has failed to move forward very quickly. Five years later, there hasn’t been much progress.

TCB: To take a wider view, what can the international community do to help Tunisia overcome these obstacles?

SM: Big picture, two themes present themselves. One is to give Tunisia more attention and support. What’s happening in Tunisia is the most important thing happening in the Arab World today, and the international community doesn’t act like that is the case. If Tunisia can succeed in consolidating the first successful democratic transition into a prosperous democracy in the Arab world, that could have enormous positive influence in the entire region.

Second, we need to accompany this attention and support with incentives and real pressure to make progress on some of these issues. Offer Tunisia more support and economic and trade assistance, things that it wants to better integrate in the international community. But also help Tunisia’s political leaders to make difficult decisions to build positive reforms.

This will be tricky for the international community and the United States. It is difficult for western and international actors to really press Tunisia on these kind of reforms when the reality is that Tunisia has made more significant reforms than any other country in the region, and the international community very rarely presses any of these countries. But this is the right way forward.

TCB: Final question: Thinking about your trip to Tunisia last week, what was the most striking thing you saw there that you think western and international audiences should recognize?

SM: I’ve been to Tunisia probably about a dozen times since the Revolution, and this trip was my first in 9 or 10 months. The most noticeable difference now is the improved security environment. Of course, this could change overnight, but last year the country was really taken by fear after a number of high profile terrorist attacks, and that fear got in the way of even discussing other issues, like corruption and economic reform. While there really isn’t much optimism for the prospect of real economic progress or reforms, those issues are at least now more a part of the public debate than they were a year ago, which is a positive step.

I would also add that Tunisia is a country that wants additional engagement from the international community, including from the United States, in a way that is unusual in the region. The U.S. has a pretty positive reputation in Tunisia, more than it does in most Arab countries, and many Tunisians would very much want stronger relations with the United States. They want additional trade, they want more opportunities, and exchanges, and visas back and forth. I think that should be seen as a unique opportunity, where you have a country that is moving generally in the right direction and where both the government and the citizens want increased engagement with the United States. The U.S. should seize this opportunity. 

The Author is Stephen McInerney

Stephen McInerney is Executive Director of the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED). He previously served as POMED’s Advocacy Director from 2007 to 2010. He has extensive experience in the Middle East and North Africa, including graduate studies of Middle Eastern politics, history, and the Arabic language at the American University of Beirut and the American University in Cairo. He has spoken on Middle East affairs with numerous media outlets including BBC, MSNBC, Al Jazeera, and CBS News.... Read More

Learn more about The Cipher's Network here

Next Steps in U.S.-Cuba Relations
Strengthening U.S. Cyber Defenses
Russia Sanctions: The New Normal
Corruption in China: The Party’s Over
Change in the Kingdom: Three Big Shifts
Managing Information & Risk in the Digital Age
Endgame in Afghanistan
The Convergence of Crime and Terror
Strengthening the Public-Private Partnership
The Billion Dollar Spy: An Interview with Author David Hoffman
The New Battlefield
North Africa: Instability Increasing
The Kidnapping Capital of the World
Homegrown Terror in the Age of ISIS
The Refugee Crisis: Europe on the Brink
The Future of Mexican Oil
Cracks in the System
Embassy Security Three Years After Benghazi
Fourteen Years Later
Can Congress Solve the Cybersecurity Problem?
Arctic Game Changer?
Where They Stand on National Security
The First 100 Days
Worthy of Fleming: Anthony Horowitz's "Trigger Mortis"
At the Crossroads
Eye in the Sky
Rough Road Ahead for Rousseff
Leveling the Playing Field: Tech Access in China
The Dead Drop
Top of Mind for Chief Security Officers
Protecting Your Business
The Future of Oil
Chinese Expansion in Latin America
American Involvement in Syria
The Future of Geospatial Intelligence
The Umbrella Movement: One Year Later
Ebola: An End in Sight?
The Pakistan Problem
The Dead Drop
The Encryption Debate
Going Dark
The US-Mexico Relationship
The Rise of Mobile Technology in Africa
The Dead Drop
Construction Boom in the Gulf
Cybersecurity: The Human Factor
Beijing and the South China Sea
Will Peace Talks Succeed in Colombia?
Social Media and Terrorism
The Rise of Israel’s Tech Sector
Securing the Border
Red Sun Rising
The Dead Drop
Adopting the Iran Deal
Stability on the Peninsula
Crime in South Africa
Combatting Terrorist Financing
The Dead Drop
Recovering from a Cyber Attack
Stability in South Asia
Veterans Day
Israel’s Wave of Violence
The Dead Drop
Protecting Critical Infrastructure
ISIS on the March
The Paris Attacks
Rethinking U.S. Security Assistance
The War on Terror 2.0
Putting Mali in Context
Will Russia Ever Change?
Will Canada Pull Back?
Understanding Putin’s Popularity
Chinese Expansion in Africa
Terrorism Finance and Wildlife Poaching
Illicit Trafficking in Latin America
Climate Change and Security
Preventing Another San Bernardino
Supply Chain Security
Negotiating a New Safe Harbor Agreement
The Battle for Yemen
Foreign Tech Access in China
The Dead Drop
Offensive Cyber Operations
Travel Security in the Age of ISIS
Iran: A Rising Cyber Power?
The Future of Cybersecurity
The Arab Spring Five Years Later
Preparing Today’s Military for Tomorrow’s Wars
Cybersecurity for Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises
Maritime Security in the Gulf of Guinea
Improving Aviation Security
The Dead Drop
Terrorism in 2016
Cybersecurity in 2016
The World in 2016: Opportunities and Risks
China in 2016
Russia in 2016
Moscow’s Cyber Buildup
The China-India Relationship
Russian Influence in Latin America
The Future of Homegrown Terrorism
Stability in Sub-Saharan Africa
Protecting Your Digital Identity
Elections in Taiwan: A Turning Point?
The Caliphate of Crime
Biotechnology’s Dark Side
Rethinking U.S. Strategy Toward China
The Evolution of Weapons of Mass Destruction
A New Era in US-Iranian Relations?
Will Information Sharing Improve Cybersecurity?
Evaluating China's New Silk Road
Tech in Latin America: Opportunities and Challenges
The Destruction of Libyan Oil
Ransomware: Protecting Yourself from Cyber Extortion
The US and India: Strengthening Security Cooperation
Security and Stability in Afghanistan
Combatting the Al Shabaab Threat
Sports Security: Protecting Your Venue
Israel’s Arab Alliance: A Counter to ISIS and Iran?
The End of U.S. Space Supremacy
The Caucasus: Instability Increasing
Stabilizing Iraq
The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Deepening U.S. Commitment to Asia
Securing Industrial Control Systems
The Battle for Ukraine
Defeating Boko Haram
Jordan: The Indispensable Ally
China’s Military Modernization
The Cybersecurity Skills Shortage
Solving Mexico’s Violence Problem
The Northern Triangle: The Most Violent Region in the World
The Future of the Middle East
Terrorism in the World’s Largest Muslim Country
The Rise of Quantum Computing
Europe’s Terrorism Problem
Stability in the East China Sea
The Rise of Counter-Drone Technology
The ISIS WMD Threat
Healthcare and the Cyber Threat
Security in the Indo-Pacific: Australia’s New Role
Countering ISIS' Message
Containing the ISIS Cancer
Security, Privacy, and the Fight Over Encryption
Taking Aim at Smart Guns
Losing Patience with North Korea
The Difficult Road Ahead for Colombia
The Taliban Resurgence
ISIS: The New Face of Global Jihad?
Connecting with Latin America
Russia and China: Mutually Assured Detachment
The Scourge of Terrorism
The Security Challenge of Terror
European Unity in the Face of Crises
Developing Enhanced Cybersecurity Systems
Pakistan: Friend and Foe?
Egypt’s Economy on the Brink
Tehran’s Balancing Act
Russia Makes Moves in the Middle East
Kenya’s Battle with al-Shabaab
Missile Defense in the Korean Peninsula
Are America's Ports Secure?
The Human Factor Behind the Panama Papers Leak
Russian Military Modernization
APTs: The Boogeymen of Cybersecurity
Vietnam: Guns and Butter
Syria: Power-sharing, Partitioning, and the Fight Against ISIS
Turbulence in Turkey
The U.S. and the Philippines: Shoulder to Shoulder in the South China Sea
The Darker Side of the Internet of Things
Cybersecurity Challenges in Asia
Taliban on the Offensive
Quagmire in Yemen
Cocaine and Conflict in Colombia
The Cloud: Nebulous, but Nimble
Censorship in China
An Emerging Crime-Terror Nexus in Europe
IRGC: Iran's Power Player
Latin America: The New Frontier for Cyber Attacks
The Hydra and the Snake: The Death of Osama Bin Laden
Nuclear Deterrence and Assurance in East Asia
Vehicle Cybersecurity: Running in Place
What Drives ISIS
Tensions Simmer in the South China Sea
Managing the Mobile Phone Malware Threat
Leaving the Oil Spigot Open
Burundi: A Path Toward Civil War?
The Value of Special Operations Forces
ISIS in the Balkans
The Tech Must Flow
North Korea’s Party Congress: What was all the fuss about?
Argentina: A Smoother Ride
Libya: Obama’s “Worst Mistake”
Tsai Ing-Wen’s Balancing Act
The North Korea Workers’ Party Congress and Kim Jong-un’s Legitimacy
Flying the Unfriendly Skies: Airline Security
Nuclear Standoff in South Asia
How to Read Riyadh
Even in Defeat, Austria’s Far-right Emulates Populist Growth in Europe
More Effective, Less Secure: The Cyber-Threat to Medical Devices
A New Era in the U.S.-Japan Security Partnership
Passing the Torch to the Next Generation of Saudi Leaders
U.S. Military Aid to Egypt Continues Despite Democratic Struggle
How Secure are Radiological Materials?
Roadblocks on the Path to Normality in Iran
Caracas in Crisis
Algeria: Exporting Stability
The Push for Kurdish Independence
U.S. and China: Strategic Cooperation at Arm’s Length
City Life: Living Smarter, Not Harder
Homegrown Terror in Orlando
A Rough Patch in U.S.-Saudi Relations
Japan’s “Abenomics”
A Tale of Two Bears: The DNC Hack
The Origins of Brexit
The Chinese Communist Party Under Xi Jinping
The Arctic: Technology and Infrastructure on Earth and in Space
Jordan: Stability Amidst Chaos
Exporting Jihad: Bosnia and Kosovo
Changing World Order: The Effects of Brexit
Navigating Uncharted Waters
Iraq after ISIS: Divide it or Fix it?
Terrorism in Istanbul: Severe Implications
North Korea as a Cyber Threat
One If By Air, Two If By Sea: Unmanned Surface Vehicles
The FBI’s Intelligence Mission
Does NATO Need a New Ideology?
Philippines v. China: Laying Down the Law of the Sea
Is Turkey Returning to a Policy of “Zero Problems?”
Federal Cybersecurity One Year After the OPM Breach
NATO: Weathering the Storms
The Rise of the Fringe: A Threat to Democracy?
Hezbollah's Many Faces
Trans-Pacific Trade Deal Remains in Limbo
The Aftermath of the Nice Attack: Is ISIS’ “Prestige” on the Rise?
Crossing the Line: A Failed Coup in Turkey
France’s Vulnerabilities in a Changing Terror Landscape
The Problem with Proxies
Water Security in South Asia: Running Dry and Running Out of Options
The Clash over Social Media Data
Extremist Groups Target Diversity in Bangladesh
Kenya: Private Sector and Government Coordinate on National Security
The ISIS-Al Qaeda Rivalry
Will Syria’s Most Productive Citizens Ever Return Home?
Trust but Verify: The United States, China & Economic Espionage
The World is Watching: The American Election and China
The Status Quo Will Not Work in South Sudan
Kurdistan as a Geopolitical Playground
Rio Olympic Games: A Missed Opportunity
Spinning Silk: Asia and the GCC
China-Japan Relations: Trading Goods While Exchanging Words
Climate Change in Ethiopia: Managing the Risks
Mounting Security Challenges in Afghanistan
Is There a Future for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt?
Niger Delta Militants Compound Nigeria’s Security Crises
Thailand Under the Junta
Brazil: Getting its House Back in Order Post Olympics
Indicators of Political Instability
Finding Water in the Desert: Water Security in the Middle East
The Blurring Line Between Cyber and Physical Threats
The World is Watching: The American Election and Russia
NATO’s Ambiguity on the Red Line for Russia
Boko Haram: The Plague Affecting Nigeria and Beyond
Tunisia: From Revolution to Governance
Russia, China, and Cyber Espionage
Best Of: The F-35 Joint Strike Fighter: Game-Changer or Procurement Nightmare?
Climate Change Jeopardizes National Security
Algeria: A Bulwark Against ISIS
Venezuela's Military: Both a Stabilizing and Destabilizing Force
Will Theresa May's Britain Stay Committed to European Defense?
America and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
What’s at Stake in the South China Sea?
Fifteen Years After 9/11: Much Accomplished, Much to be Done
The Post-9/11 U.S. Military
The Post-9/11 U.S. Intelligence Community
South Africa: ANC Losing Its Grip on Power
The World is Watching: The American Election and Saudi Arabia
Turkish Leverage Over the United States and European Union
Nuclear North Korea: A No-Win Scenario?
Insider Cyber Threats: A Pressing Problem Facing Business
Al Shabaab: A Persistent Threat
Unease, Uncertainty, and Strife: Global Inequality and Instability
Europe Bears a Big Burden in the World's Migration Crisis
Malicious Cyber-Actors in the Financial Services Industry
China's Ongoing Struggle to Clamp Down on Terrorism
Growing Instability in Africa’s Top Two Oil Producers
The World is Watching: The American Election and Iran
Dollars and Sense: Military Spending During an Economic Downturn
Forewarned is Forearmed: Confronting Adversaries in Cyberspace
Is Peace Possible in Colombia?
The Rise of Hypersonic Weapons
Nuclear No First Use: Ambiguity vs. Clarity
Al Qaeda Growing Stronger By the Minute
Cyber and the Law
The DRC: Strong Grip on Power, Weak Handle on Governance
Combatting Haqqani Network is Key to Afghan Strategy
War and Peace: Syria and the Question of American Intervention
The F35: A 21st Century Coalition Asset
Objective: Mosul
Where is Duterte Leading the Philippines?
Great Power Politics in Latin America
In the Strait of Hormuz, Little has Changed with Iran
Corralling the Cartel: OPEC and Oil Prices
Russian Hacking: The Difficult Path Between Inaction and Escalation
Philippines' Duterte Leaves U.S. Policymakers "Baffled"
The World is Watching: The American Election and Germany
Can Hamas Elections Shift the Status Quo?
What is the Future of U.S. Policy in Latin America?
Conflict and Common Goals: the Government and Silicon Valley
Kashmir in Crisis—Again
Al Qaeda in Syria: The Split That Wasn't
EU and U.S. Interests in Hungary in Jeopardy
The Price of Turkish Posturing in Iraq
Is it Possible to Hack the Vote?
Decision Day in the U.S.: Daunting Security Challenges Ahead
The State of Play in Syria
Modi: Modernizing India
Trump's Win Creates Uncertainty in Europe
The Powers and Pitfalls of Drone Warfare
Insurgent Use of Unmanned Aerial Systems: A Cat-and-Mouse Game
The African Migrant Crisis: The EU Takes Action
The U.S. Military: Ready or Not?
Sisi, the IMF, and Egypt's Crumbling Economy
Can Robots Fight Wars? The Future of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems
The Global Debate Over the Legality of Drones Continues
Agility and Innovation in the Third Offset Strategy
China's Economy: Great Power, Great Responsibility
Identity in Cyberspace: The Advent of Biometrics Authentication
Obama's Legacy on Russia and China: Making the Grade
Sweden, Finland & Norway Deepen Defense Ties with the West
Developing and Sticking With a Clear Strategy in Afghanistan
Italy’s Choice: Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don’t
Predicting the Future: Anticipating Security Events with Data Analytics
Russia’s Energy Leverage Wanes in Parts of Europe
The U.S.-Japan Alliance: A Safe Harbor
President Obama's Counterterrorism Legacy
Dialing Up Controversy with China
China Officially Ties Internet Restrictions to its own National Security
Trumping Trade: Alternatives to TPP
The International Criminal Court, Under Pressure, Turns Eyes on U.S.
Egyptian and Israeli Cold Peace Has Never Been Warmer
Trump, Russia, and the CIA: Allies and Adversaries Confused
Hacking Against Cybercrime: The FBI's New Approach
Trumping Trade: The Future of NAFTA
Violence in Mexico Surges
Directed-Energy Weapons: Time to Focus
At the Crossroads Between East and West: Turkey and the World in 2016
The Perils of Connectivity: Cyber Insecurity in 2016
The Party Endures: China and the World in 2016
Cracks in the Union: Europe and the World in 2016
Eyes on the Kremlin: Russia and the World in 2016
Terrorists Don't Have to Win - They Just Have to Survive: Counterterrorism in 2016
A Perennial Task with No Finish Line: U.S. Defense Planning and Procurement in 2016
A Changing of the Guard: U.S. Counterterrorism Policy
Poland: Strong Defense Partner But Taking Undemocratic Steps
Land, Sea, and Air: U.S. Military Readiness in the Navy and Marine Corps
Syria's Tangled Trilateral Road to Peace
The UK’s New Surveillance Law: Security Necessity or Snoopers’ Charter?
South Korea’s Foreign Policy: Leaderless, but Not Rudderless
Jammeh to Cede Power, Leave The Gambia
Mali’s Instability: Advantage, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
Railguns: The Fast, the Furious—and the Future?
Swarming the Battlefield: Combat Evolves Toward Lethal Autonomous Weapons
Mixed Signals to Moscow: The Trump Administration's Russia Policy Puzzle
NATO’s Changing Face Under the Trump Administration
South Korea’s Presidential Crisis: Is Democracy Stuck in Park?
Power and the U.S. Presidency
Trump's Hour of Action: Recommendations for Cyber Policy
Passing the ‘Football’: The Future of U.S. Nuclear Policy
The Baltics Up the Ante in Defense
Take It or Leave It: The Future of the Two-State Solution
Trump and Trudeau: Fire and Ice
Cybersecurity in the Gulf: The Middle East's Virtual Frontline
Little Margin for Error in South China Sea Policy
Eritrea: A Potential U.S. Counterterror Partner
Trump Administration Faces Daunting Challenges in Afghanistan
The New Space Race
Autonomous Hacking Bots: Menace or Savior?
Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis – Fertile Ground for Jihadis in Southeast Asia?
Cuba Lingers in Limbo
Designating the Muslim Brotherhood As Terrorists Is Complicated
Trump and the New Map of the Middle East
The New Technology of Humanitarian Assistance
Missile Defense: Blocking Threats or Blocking Diplomacy?
Flynn Controversy Raises New Questions
Doubling Down Against the Jihadist Message
Civilians and the Military Under Trump
The Gulf Cooperation Council Operates in a Tumultuous Region
DIY Defense Tech: More Countries Seek Advanced Homegrown Weaponry
The Vice Closes on Mosul: What Next?
U.S. Marines Head to Norway and Australia
Cyber Proxies: A Central Tenet of Russia’s Hybrid Warfare
The Future of Transatlantic Defense: More Europe
Trump’s NSC: A Bureaucratic Balancing Act
Tallinn Manual 2.0: Stepping Out of the Fog in Cyberspace
Defining Objectives for the U.S.-Iran Relationship
The U.S.-Japan Alliance: Reform and Uncertainty
India’s Cyber Potential: A Bridge Between East and West
Missile Defense: Targeting a Technological Solution
NATO Zeros In on Black Sea Security
Vying for Power in Iran
The TPP Without America
Disentangling the NSA and Cyber Command
The United Nations at a Tipping Point
Developing Special Operations Forces in China and Russia
Hawala Networks: The Paperless Trail of Terrorist Transactions
Objective: Raqqa
The Baltics: Veterans of Russian Cyber Operations
Security Concerns Complicate Investment Opportunities in Mozambique
What Is the “Deep State”?
Al Qaeda Takes Advantage in Syria
The War of Words Between Europe and Turkey
Jumping the Air Gap: How to Breach Isolated Networks
Sizing Up the Trump Defense Budget
Brexit Begins: Hurdles to a UK-EU Deal
India-Israel Relations: An Opportunity That Can’t Be Missed
Why Syria’s Kurds Are America’s Key Ally
China Pivots its Hackers from Industrial Spies to Cyber Warriors
Putin vs. The Unknown
Germany, Japan Strengthen Defensive Capabilities
The Long-Goodbye to Afghanistan – Should It Get Longer?
Turkey’s Referendum: The Dangerous Road to “Yes”
Trump Draws the Line in Syria
EU Economic and Military Investments in Africa Increase
Trump-Xi Summit: No Real Progress Yet, but Stay Tuned
The Zero-Day Dilemma: Should Government Disclose Company Cyber Security Gaps?
Stepping into the Void of Trump’s Global Retreat
Al Qaeda Quietly Expands in South Asia
Chinese Firms Surge into Africa in Search of Customers, Contracts, Jobs
How Spy Agency Hackers Pose As – Anybody
Does Moderate Political Islam Exist?
The Call to Radicalism, Both at Home and Abroad
Instability Casts a Shadow Over French Presidential Election
The Problem of Siloed Cyber Warriors
Best Of: Sizing Up America’s Aircraft Carriers of the Future
Europe Intel Sharing Will Take Trust
Rebranding Countering Violent Extremism Programs: A Sharper Focus or Missing the Point?
Trump 100 Days: From the Travel Ban to TPP
The Power of Botnets: Amplifying Crime, Disinformation, and Espionage
The “China Solution”: Beijing Aims for Global Leadership
Venezuela Teetering on the Edge
A Tale of Three Libyas
Worlds Collide in the French Election
NSA Curtails Collection Under FISA Provision
U.S. Special Operations Forces’ Changing Mission in the Middle East
The Comey Fallout
Is Sudan Still a State Sponsor of Terror?
Will Moon Bring Back Sunshine Policy in South Korea?
WannaCry Attack: Microsoft Questions Role of Intelligence Community
Defending the U.S. from North Korean Long Range Missiles
Blue Helmets Under Fire - From Trump
The War Against ISIS Has Just Begun
The “Renaissance” in Private Space Launch for Defense
Chinese Industrial Spies Cast a Wider Net
Could Iran’s Elections Indicate a New Future?
Western Balkans in Russia’s Crosshairs
Japan, South Korea Shaken by Pyongyang, Beijing – And Now, Washington
How Can the U.S. Level the Digital Trade Playing Field?
Best Of: Sizing Up America’s Aircraft Carriers of the Future
U.S., China, Others Build Bases in Djibouti – What Could Go Wrong?
Asian Nations Arming for Underwater War
Would an Arab NATO Help Stabilize the Mideast — or Inflame Iran?
The Hardest Fight Comes After Mosul Falls
Conflict Minerals: The Dark Side of the Digital Age Electronics Boom
Terror in London: ISIS Threat to West Intensifying
UK Terror Attack: Looking for Links to the U.S.
Europe Is Boosting Defense Spending – And It’s Not All About Trump
Populism Spreads Across U.S., Europe But Could Halt as Economy Rallies
Pyongyang and Beijing No Longer “Close as Lips and Teeth”
Terror Finance in the Age of Bitcoin
Does Brexit Still Mean Brexit?
South Africa: On the Road to Turmoil?
Will China Play Peacemaker with Its Oil Suppliers Saudi Arabia and Iran?
Philippine City is a Battleground in Global Fight Against Extremism
Drugs and Violence on the United States’ Doorstep: No End in Sight
Can China Actually Restrain Kim Jong-Un?
Allying Public and Private Forces on the Front Lines of Cybersecurity
Close Calls or Worse Between U.S. and Russia in Syria
U.S. Running Out of Options in Afghanistan